Potent synthetic substances, new drug mixtures and changing consumption patterns pose a growing threat in Europe. These are some of the questions posed by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) at the presentation of the European Drug Report 2024.

Drug availability remains high in Europe, where the market offers a diverse range of products. Drug users are now more exposed to a wider range of psychotropic substances, usually of high potency and purity or in new forms, mixtures and combinations.

The study highlights concerns about potent synthetic opioids, sometimes sold deceptively or mixed with medications and other drugs. For example, by the end of 2023, the EMCDDA was monitoring some 950 new psychoactive substances, 26 of which were reported for the first time in Europe that year.

Heroin remains the most widely used illicit opioid in Europe and is responsible for a significant proportion of the health problems associated with illicit drug use. Most of the heroin consumed in Europe comes from Afghanistan.

For the sixth consecutive year, EU member states seized record amounts of cocaine, reaching 323 tons in 2022. European interventions already exceed those carried out in the United States, historically considered the world’s largest cocaine market. Belgium (111 tonnes), Spain (58.3 tonnes) and the Netherlands (51.5 tonnes) represent 68% of the total amount seized, reflecting the persistent focus of drug traffickers on logistical supply chains.

There are indications that the high availability of cocaine in Europe is having an increasingly negative impact on public health. It is the most widely used illicit stimulant drug in Europe, accounting forabout 1.4% (4 million) of European adults (aged 15-64) in the past year. The paper reports that cocaine is increasingly available in Europe, with a wider geographical and social distribution.

The evolution of the cannabis market is creating new challenges in terms of how countries respond to the most widely consumed illegal drug in Europe. It is also known that some products sold on the illegal market as cannabis can be adulterated as potent synthetic cannabinoids.

It is estimated that around 8% of European adults (22.8 million) aged 15-64 years have used cannabis in the past year and prevalence rises to 15% (15.1 million) among adults aged 15-34 years.

Cannabis use can cause or exacerbate a range of physical and mental health problems, including chronic respiratory problems, dependence and psychotic symptoms.

Five EU member states (the Czech Republic, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta and the Netherlands), plus Switzerland, have changed or plan to change their approach to recreational cannabis use and supply. These changes, which include home growing, non-profit cultivation clubs and private cannabis use, are described in the report and the need to invest in monitoring and evaluation to fully understand their impact on public health and safety is highlighted.

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During the past 40 years, firearm injury deaths in the United States (from homicides, suicides, and/or accidents)peaked in the early to mid-1990s, but then declined precipitously over the next decade and remained relatively low for nearly 15 years.

During the same period, firearm suicide rates reached their lowest point in the mid-2000s and have been increasing almost every year since that time. Firearm homicide rates reached their lowest point in 2014, but have since increased rapidly and, in 2023, these rates were near their peak levels, like the data from the early 1990s.

Many U.S. states have seen a pattern of gun violence similar to the pattern in the country as a whole during this period. Other states have seen firearm violence rates increase relative to the national rate. Among these states are Wisconsin, Delaware, and Minnesota for firearm homicides and Alaska, North Dakota, and Montana for firearm suicides. In contrast, some states have recorded decreases in violence relative to national averages during this period, such as Wyoming, Idaho, and New York for firearm homicides and Hawaii, California, and the District of Columbia for firearm suicides.

Many factors influence firearms violence trends in each state, such as changing economic conditions, state population demographics, and national trends. Changes in state firearms policies have also been shown to affect mortality rates. The tool that studies the effects of the firearms law illustrates the estimates of many of them.

As part of the Gun Policy in America project of RAND Corporation, this study provides users with information on the distribution of firearm deaths among the different U.S. states.  For more details on the methodology and data sources, please refer to the study documentation.

All mortality estimates are constructed from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s Wide-ranging Online Data for Epidemiologic Research (CDC WONDER). CDC WONDER is a website that publishes public data from its national vital statistics surveillance system.

Some subpopulations may be too small in a single state and year to provide a reliable estimate. In addition, CDC privacy protections prohibit disclosure of mortality rates based on fewer than ten deaths.

The study’s estimates are designed to address these challenges by using data from multiple years when estimation using the most recent year of data would be unreliable or would compromise privacy.

Data on state laws are extracted from RAND’s State Firearms Laws database. Law data are current through 1 January, 2024, but these data do not capture the most recent legal changes.

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Research sponsored and published by the journal of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) in the United States indicates that, while there is no single, clear link between individuals who engage in violent extremism and terrorism and those who engage in other forms of targeted violence, there are important and sometimes unexpected similarities.

Targeted violence encompasses a wide range of anti-law enforcement activity, from mass shootings to activities related to gang or group violence, as well as human trafficking. Although each of these illicit acts has been extensively researched, until recently they have not been studied in a way that identifies similarities and differences in the context of domestic violent extremism and terrorism. Having a better understanding of any links or overlap between those who carry out this type of violence and those who engage in violent extremism and terrorism is essential to developing or adapting targeted violence prevention efforts.

The National Institute of Justice has funded several projects for researchers Heidi Ellis, Edna Erez, John Horgan, Gary LaFree and Ramon Spaaij comparing:

• Violent extremists and individuals involved in gangs.
• Persons involved in terrorism and persons involved in human trafficking.
• Lone actor-type terrorists (i.e., lone individuals whose terrorist acts are not directed or supported by any group or other individuals) and individuals who commit non-ideological mass murder.

Some of these projects rely on large state databases of individuals known to have committed violent acts, while others explore community and stakeholder perceptions of the acts. In addition, some of these projects focus on how communities facing elevated risk factors, such as adversity and disadvantage, experience certain types of violence. The article ends with a discussion of possible implications for policy and future research.

An essential step in determining similarities is to examine the circumstances of those who fall into these groups. Based on 45 face-to-face interviews of individuals involved in U.S. gangs and 38 life history narratives of individuals who became radicalised in the United States, the researchers provided a unique comparison of entry into these groups based on four mechanisms of entry:

• Pull factors (influences that attract vulnerable people to participate in criminal groups).
• Push factors (influences that drive vulnerable people to become interested in participation in criminal groups).
• Barriers to effective socialisation.
• Recruitment.

Individuals involved in these gangs were more motivated than extremists by the promise of material rewards (a pull factor). However, extremists were more motivated by cultural disillusionment and a perceived loss of significance (push factors).

The investigation has identified two possible connections between terrorism and human trafficking. Firstly, a terrorist organisation may perpetrate human trafficking to further its interests or meet the needs of its members. This is especially true in international contexts and conflict zones. Secondly, terrorism and human trafficking can co-occur.

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According to the new Europol document, the European Union drug market is estimated to have a minimum current retail value of at least 31 billion euros. It is a very important source of income for organised crime.

A key feature of this illicit market is the interconnection between different illicit drugs, with criminal networks and intermediaries and facilitators often involved in this type of crime. The large drug market in the European Union also intersects with other areas of crime, such as firearms trafficking and money laundering, and has a major impact.

Availability remains high among the main drugs of abuse in Europe, as evidenced by the large (in some cases increasing) quantities that continue to be seized in the European Union. The illicit drug market is characterised by the diversification of consumer products and the widespread availability of a wider range of drugs, including new psychoactive substances, often of high potency or purity.

The report explains that the recent emergence of very potent opioids poses a particularly complex threat to public health due to the increased risk of intoxication, which is life-threatening. The potential emergence of new consumption patterns in Europe is also a key threat, due to the availability of cheap and highly potent or pure drugs. This is especially the case with cocaine, which has experienced unprecedented levels of availability.

An important factor contributing to increased efficiency is the trend towards the trafficking of larger individual drug shipments by sea, taking advantage of containers flowing through global logistics hubs. As a consequence, over the last ten years, the quantity of drugs seized in the European Union has increased significantly, while the number of seizures of most types of drugs has decreased.

Industrial-scale production of cannabis and synthetic drugs, such as amphetamine, methamphetamine and MDMA, takes place in the European Union for both domestic and international markets. The scope and intricacy of synthetic drug manufacturing in Europe is driven by innovation in techniques and equipment, and the availability of the key chemicals needed. Large-scale cocaine processing also takes place in the European Union. Europe is also likely to be a major trafficking area for global drug flows, especially cocaine from Latin America and, to a lesser extent, amphetamine in pill form from Syria and Lebanon.

According to the report, a wide range of criminal networks operate in the European Union drug market. These networks demonstrate a high level of adaptability, taking advantage of major technological advances and social changes, leveraging legal business structures and opportunities in traditional and digital economies. Criminals often rely on other networks or intermediaries to facilitate their illicit activities. This also provides them with the flexibility to diversify sources and products, traffic routes and concealment methods in a way that improves their efficiency and adaptability to minimise risks and maximise profits.

The EU drug market has shown considerable resilience in the face of global crises, instability and significant political and economic changes. Illicit drug markets and the regular economy intersect in many ways. An example of this would be criminals exploiting commercial transport infrastructure to traffic drugs and using loopholes in legislation to access chemicals.

Some European Union member states are experiencing unprecedented levels of drug market-related violence, often related to the cocaine and cannabis markets. This violence appears to be concentrated in distribution centres and competitive retail markets. It includes murder, torture, kidnapping and intimidation, and often occurs among criminal networks, although innocent people are also victims. It has a serious impact on society as a whole, increasing the perception of public insecurity.

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Drones or unmanned aircraft systems (UAS), which are being used as a tool for smuggling contraband, now pose a real threat in U.S. correctional facilities. This is the opinion of a report of the Criminal Justice Testing and Evaluation Consortium.

So far, some successful strategies have been used to reduce the entry of contraband into prison facilities by combining technology-based solutions with associated policies and procedures.

The problem lies in the fact that technical complexities, legislative constraints, rules and regulations limit the responsiveness of correctional agencies.

According to the paper, options when planning for the threat of contraband smuggling by drones are diverse, but solutions should focus on technology-based detection to support the enhancement of the potential of prison facilities.

In addition, what we are referring to should be clarified, as there are a variety of terms that are associated with drones and used interchangeably but should be defined for the sake of consistency.

Firstly, there is the UAS, which is an unmanned aircraft system. The sUAS, which is a small unmanned aircraft system or drone weighing less than 25 kilograms. Finally, the C-UAS, which is a system or device capable of legally and safely disabling or interrupting control of an unmanned aircraft.

The report delves into the three main threats that drones can cause in correctional facilities:

• Smuggling payloads: drones are capable of transporting and dropping contraband into correctional facilities.
• Intentional disruption: Drones can be used to create some form of distraction to increase the chances of infiltration or smuggling by other methods, while security reacts to the incident.
• Surveillance and reconnaissance: drones can monitor an area without detection to prepare for future legal or illegal interventions.

Despite innovations and sound correctional practices, new and inventive methods used by incarcerated individuals or conspirators to smuggle contraband into correctional facilities are constantly being developed.

New technologies being applied in drone design and associated software enable new efforts and constantly evolving capabilities.

In fact, the Department of Justice counted that between 2015 and 2019, federal prisons reported 130 drone incidents. Almost all of these prison raids were to launch contraband items, such as mobile phones, SIM cards, drugs, tools to help prepare a jailbreak and all kinds of weapons.

Although 130 drone incidents were reported, it is believed that many more actually occurred, as detection technology was not employed in these years, so the number of drone incursions reported was based primarily on visual observations reported by prison surveillance staff.

It should be noted that the United States currently has 7,100 prisons, including federal, state, local and military prisons.

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A few weeks ago, the report entitledGlobal status report on road safety 2023 prepared by the World Health Organization was published. According to the study, during the year 2021 there were 1.19 million traffic fatalities worldwide, which is a 5% drop compared to 2010, when there were 1.25 million deaths.

It is worth noting that this slight reduction in road fatalities occurred despite the fact that the global vehicle fleet more than doubled, the road network is undergoing significant expansion and the world’s population increased by more than one billion people during these years.

According to the document, it would show that all efforts to improve road safety are still too little, in accordance with the objectives of the United Nations Decade of Action for Road Safety 2021-2030, which plans to reduce fatalities by half by the year 2030.

Today, road traffic injuries and fatalities remain a major global challenge to the health and development of citizens. Traffic accidents are the leading cause of death among children and young people between 5 and 29 years of age, and two-thirds of deaths occur among people of working age, from 18 to 59 years, causing enormous health, social and economic costs to society as a whole.

The report also stresses that road accident victims are often the weakest on the road, as more than half of those killed are pedestrians, cyclists or motorcyclists. Occupants of four-wheeled vehicles account for one-third of fatalities, and vehicles with more than 10 people, heavy goods vehicles and goods vehicles account for one-fifth of all traffic fatalities. Also noteworthy is the increase in deaths in small electric vehicles, which account for 3% of deaths.

In terms of infrastructure, almost 80% of all roads assessed do not meet a minimum 3-star rating for pedestrian safety and only 0.2% of these roads have bicycle-friendly lanes.

Another aspect highlighted by the World Health Organization report is that 90% of accident deaths occur in low- and middle-income countries, while low-income people in these countries continue to face the highest risk of road death.

Globally, 28% of all fatalities occur in the Southeast Asia region, 25% in the Western Pacific region, 19% in Africa, 12% in the Americas, 11% in the Eastern Mediterranean region and 5% in Europe.

Europe is the area with the largest drop in road fatalities since 2010, down 36%, followed by the Western Pacific area, down 16%.

According to WHO good practice legislation, enforcement of measures on the five major risk factors has been carried out mainly in Europe and they are: speeding, driving under the influence of alcohol and/or drugs, helmet use on motorcycles, seatbelts and child restraint systems.

However, many countries around the world are not implementing measures that put people and safety at the core of mobility systems, but instead design and build mobility systems with the motor vehicle at the centre, not for people, nor with safety as the primary concern.

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From 2010 to 2019, the number of serious injuries and traffic fatalities in the state of Nevada declined, then remained stable, roughly in line with national trends. So-called ‘multiple airbags’ were standard in almost all new vehicles, regardless of price, and safety cameras and lane-departure and blind-spot sensors were cheaper to produce. The enhanced technology meant that drivers not only had greater peripheral awareness but were also more likely to survive crashes that might have killed the occupant of an older vehicle.

A few weeks ago, The New York Times published an extensive report on the sharp increase in traffic fatalities in the United States. And that’s because, in 2020, as COVID-19 rocked the country, law enforcement and road workers began reporting a large increase in traffic-related injuries, despite the lockdowns and relative emptiness of the roads. In 2021, the state recorded 385 fatalities, the highest in the last 15 years. The following year was not much better, with 382 fatalities and a 114% increase in the number of cyclists killed on the road.

The cause was fairly easy to identify: the data analysed showed that drivers were speeding, on highways and streets, and driving through intersections with alarming frequency. In addition, the use of seatbelts was reduced, causing thousands of injuries to drivers and passengers. After a decade of steady decline, drunk driving arrests had rebounded to record highs.

From 2020 to 2021, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration estimated that the number of accidents in the United States jumped 16% to more than six million, or approximately 16,500 accidents per day. The fatality figures were somehow even worse: in 2021, 42,939 Americans died in car crashes, the highest number in a decade and a half. Of these fatalities, a significant portion involved drunk or drugged drivers travelling well above the speed limits.

In addition, 43% of the 4.2 million miles of roads are in poor or mediocre condition, according to the American Society of Civil Engineers. And they are unlikely to be repaired anytime soon, given the backlog of approximately $786 billion worth of infrastructure construction.

But, above all, the problem seems to be the drivers: it is no exaggeration to say that road behaviour today is the worst it has ever been, as stated by Captain Michael Brown, commander of the state police district in Michigan.

In 2021, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration estimated that approximately one-quarter of all fatal crashes in the United States involved vehicles travelling above the allowable speed limit, and a significant percentage of those killed, whether passengers or drivers, were not wearing seatbelts. According to the trends detected, national rates of alcohol-impaired driving have increased to the point that one in ten arrests is now related and aggressive driving, defined as racing, erratic lane changes or illegal passing, accounts for 56% of fatal crashes.

Unfortunately, this statistic does not cover the tens of thousands of people injured, often critically, by aggressive drivers, nor the 550 people killed by a gunshot annually after or during road rage incidents, nor the growing number of pedestrians and bicyclists deliberately attacked by outraged motorists.

Add bad driving behaviour, with the dangers of smartphone distraction responsible, at a conservative estimate, for some 3,500 deaths a year, and the combination is devastating.

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Sexual assaults are beyond the ability to cope and have a great emotional impact on the victims. They are a direct attack on the feeling of security. Historically, women have been the main victims of this type of violence.

As published a few weeks ago in The conversation, these experiences can change the way they feel, behave and relate to others in the future.

Several studies on the subject have focused on the consequences suffered by minors assaulted by adults, while cases among peers are less visible. And even more so if they occur in the context of a couple’s relationship.

However, it is estimated that one-third of adolescent girls worldwide are initiated into sex with a forced relationship. Due to this increasingly early initiation, the prevalence of assaults among youth and adolescents could increase alarmingly.

The main psychological consequences of this type of assault are depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, self-harm, dissociation, phobias and hypersexuality.

These disorders may occur immediately after an assault or months or years later. Occasionally, an event, a specific situation or a scent reminiscent of the experience can trigger the symptoms, which seriously interferes with the victim’s life.

As noted above, hypersexuality or the increased pursuit of sexual relations, both in frequency and intensity, is often accompanied by a sense of guilt or misunderstanding.

There are several reasons for this behaviour. Some authors have related this type of traumatic experiences with disorders in the prefrontal cortex, the brain area linked to decision making, impulse control and mood regulation.

Apart from neurobiological explanations, it could be an attempt to eliminate the trauma or to redo it in a different way. In this way, the victim would try to seek normalcy in sexual life and prove that his or her ability to have sex as a means to regain control is still intact.

Other studies consider compulsive sex as a non-functional way of avoiding problems and relieving pain, since trauma would have reduced tolerance to suffering. This could favour the dissociation of sex from affection, thus using sex as a mere instrument.

In addition, the victim may begin to believe that he or she does not deserve to receive any kind of affection. Therefore, these experiences are linked to risky sexual behaviours and the acceptance of violent partners.

Thus, compulsive sexual behaviour after sexual assault is very common, although it is not as visible as sexual refusal. It would also fulfil a certain purpose for the victim. But experts recommend seeking psychological help in order to address the problem as soon as it manifests itself.

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The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) and the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS), managed by the FBI, create a complementary picture of crime in 2022, according to research carried out by the statisticians of the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) Rachel E. Morgan and Erica L. Smith.

Both the survey and the police registry measure a similar, but not identical, set of crimes, which leads to differences in estimates between the two data sources. The NCVS interviews people aged 12 and older about crimes they may have experienced, whether or not they have reported it to the police. The NIBRS collects data on crimes recorded by the various enforcement agencies, and these results are weighted to correct for possible under-reporting. Together, these two measures provide a complete picture of the crime map in the United States.

The report presented by Morgan and Smith describes the similarities and differences between the two forms of data collection and makes a comparison between the years 2021 and 2022.

According to the NCVS, the total violence victimisation rate during 2022 was 23.5 per 100,000 people aged 12 or older, a figure well above the previous year’s rate of 16.5.

As for the household victimisation chapter during 2022, it was 101.9 per 100,000 dwellings, a figure that is also higher than the 2021 rate of 90.3.

Violent crime grew almost two points from 2021 to 2022: from 2.9 victimisations per 1,000 people in 2021 to 4.7 the following year. During the same period, the rate of property crimes reported to the police also increased from 27.8 to 32.4 reports per 1,000 households.

In this regard, it should be noted that the overall estimates of crime from these two sources tend to evolve similarly over time. However, the NIBRS and NCVS estimates in a given year may differ because the two data collections use different methods to measure an overlapping, but not identical, set of crimes.

For example, when cross-referencing the data from the two areas under study, it is necessary to take into account many aspects, but not to fall into errors or unfortunate comparisons. The NIBRS includes murder, involuntary manslaughter and commercial burglary, the three crimes that the NCVS excludes.

Similarly, if we focus on crimes of a sexual nature, the definitions of rape and sexual assault from the survey and the police registry differ slightly. While the NIBRS considers rape to be carnal knowledge of a person without the victim’s consent, including cases in which the victim is incapable of giving consent because of age or temporary and permanent physical or mental incapacity, the NCVS includes a wide range of victimisations in this classification, other than rape, attempted or threatened rape. According to the NCVS, this would include sexual assaults that may or may not involve force, i.e., it also includes caressing or touching without the victim’s consent.

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Last December, the results of the 2022 Public Safety Survey of Catalonia (ESPC) were presented. With almost 20 editions, the ESPC has established itself as the most relevant instrument for measuring victimization and the perception of insecurity in Catalonia.

This post presents some of the main findings of the report, which is now available on the Department d’Interior website.

Victimisation increases back to pre-pandemic levels

The percentage of people who have suffered at least one episode of victimisation increased by 4.8 points compared to the 2020 edition, standing at 32.4%. When frauds are excluded, the indicator drops to 25.8%. Therefore, it can be confirmed that victimisation recovers pre-pandemic values in all areas except scams, fraud and swindling, which, especially since the 2020 edition, show an increase that overstates the overall indicator.

Victimisation in Catalonia, in general, leaves a weak mark on the people who suffer it

Only a quarter of the victims (8.4%) remember spontaneously before being asked directly about the set of facts.

The discomfort associated with the victimising experience is greater (7 on a scale of 0 to 10) than the psychological effects (5.5 on a scale of 0 to 10). This confirms the idea of «low-intensity» victimisation, or victimisation with a moderate emotional impact.

A strong relationship is detected between economic status and victimisation and perception of insecurity

The subgroup of people who report making ends meet «with great difficulty» has a victimisation rate significantly above the average (43.2% on an average of 32.4%). This reality is evident in the overall calculation and also when victimisation is analysed on an area-by-area basis.

It can be concluded that an environment of vulnerability and inequality conditions people’s level of security and their perception of insecurity. There is a half-point difference between those who say they make ends meet «very easily» and those who make ends meet «with great difficulty» when it comes to evaluating the safety of their municipality (6.9 and 6.4).

The level of safety in the municipality obtained an average value of 6.6 on a scale of 0 to 10

The value associated with the safety level of the municipality remains slightly above the average for the entire time series (6.5). There are no significant differences between men and women or between age groups, but by confirming the findings of much of the existing literature, it is observed that people who have suffered a victimising experience report a lower level of safety in the municipality than those who have not (5.9 and 6.9, respectively).

When respondents were asked if they had stopped doing things for fear of being a victim of crime, 66.3% said no: 78% were men and 55.1% were women. When the response options that, regardless of frequency, imply an affirmative response are broken down, twice as many women as men modify their behaviour for fear of being victimised: 44.5% and 21.8%, respectively.

Mossos d’Esquadra score 7.5 on a scale of 0 to 10, the best in the entire series except in 2017

Local police officers score 7, the second highest score in the entire series. Older age groups rate police forces more positively (with 8.1 for the 65+ age group and 7 for the 16-25 age group).

The reality of male violence is easy to see in the global portrait of victimisation in Catalonia

The ESPC is not intended as a specific study on male violence. Due to the nature of this type of events and the care that must be taken in dealing with these situations to avoid revictimising episodes, the Security and Transversal Policies Cabinet has two studies available: EVMC and EVS, in which questionnaires and fieldwork have been designed by prioritising the particular needs that this type of victim may have.

However, the results of the ESPC make it possible to define the extent of male violence with some sufficiently relevant data:

• Around 80% of the time, the perpetrator of an act of physical aggression, threat or intimidation is one or more men (78.8%).
• In 45% of the registered cases, these acts of aggression, threat and intimidation were carried out by a known person. Three different profiles stand out in these cases: partners, ex-partners or family members (25.7%); people at work or related to studies (27.4%); and people from their area or neighbourhood, mainly (38.5%). In the latter two cases, the records are reported by men and women on a fairly equal basis. In the first case, which corresponds to acts committed by partners and ex-partners, women account for 75.3% of the records, and men for 24.7%.
• 12.7% of the assaults were of a sexual nature. Of these, women reported 94% and men 6%.

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