In recent weeks, law enforcement, border guards, and labour and tax authorities across Europe have joined forces to identify and combat labour exploitation. This recent edition of the EMPACT Joint Action Days focused on human trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation, with special emphasis on the agricultural sector, gastronomy, and temporary employment agencies.

In particular, the authorities involved also took measures against the exploitation of third-country nationals and refugees. Led by France and the Netherlands, and carried out by authorities from 32 countries with the support of Europol and the European Labour Authority (ELA), the action days resulted in the arrest of 54 individuals and the identification of 404 potential victims of human trafficking.

Generally, the results of the action include:

• 22,296 officers from law enforcement and labour and tax authorities who participated in the action.

• 194,995 entities checked (including 73,218 individuals, 11,815 locations, 26,412 vehicles, and 83,958 documents).

• 93 individuals suspected of human trafficking identified (of which 92 for labour exploitation).

• 54 people arrested for various crimes (of which 44 for labour exploitation).

• 404 potential victims of human trafficking identified (of which 393 potential victims of labour exploitation).

• 341 new investigations in various crimes initiated (of which 43 are for labour exploitation).

The aim of this recurrent action is for the authorities to focus on the most relevant or widespread forms of labour exploitation in their respective countries. Inspections were carried out across a wide range of sectors, such as catering, gastronomy, food delivery, food and meat processing, beauty services, domestic healthcare, logistics and distribution, agriculture, construction, and mining.

Some countries have confirmed various modus operandi in human trafficking for agricultural and labour exploitation. These include discrepancies between employee payments and working hours, violations of minimum wage laws, undeclared work, illegal schemes operated by temporary employment agencies, breaches of maximum working hours, poor housing conditions provided by employers, the employment of minors, debt bondage, and work without permits. In addition, third-country nationals may use similar documents, counterfeit passports, and counterfeit residence permits. In general, cases of labour exploitation and forced labour are significantly underreported and do not reflect the true magnitude of the problem.

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The deterioration of police-population relations can be explained, in part, by the predominance of a short-term martial and political logic. This model is detrimental to citizens, victims of brutal practices, and to police officers, exposed to ill-defined and risky missions.

This idea is drawn from research conducted by Marie Lajus, senior official, former prefect and police commissioner; Jacques de Maillard, university professor; and Marc-Olivier Padis, Director of Studies at Terra Nova.

A recent inspection report notes a deterioration in the bond of trust between the internal security forces and the population. The gap between the population’s expectations and understanding of service priorities is obvious. This deterioration is not only worrisome because of user dissatisfaction. It also leads to less effective security policy action. The feeling of distance between the police and society hinders police work.

Opportunities for contact between the police and the population take place all too often during control interactions, in a coercive logic and sometimes in an offensive way, which creates a climate of distrust unfavourable to police work.

It also places agents in conflicting situations where their responsibility may be questioned. A police malaise is evident during a number of missions for which they are not prepared, or which are only aimed at the apparent deployment of force and repressive action. This discomfort is partly linked to the conditions and the general posture of intervention, in a context of permanent operational tension.

Police action during the health crisis was guided by official instructions in an essentially repressive direction. The police and gendarmerie forces were mobilised massively to verify the application of the confinement and its different measures (certificates, closing of squares, use of masks, etc.). In total, some 100,000 officers, i.e. almost all the personnel dedicated to public roads, were mobilised daily for this action.

The dominance of a primarily coercive mode of intervention, based on obsolete conceptions of crowd management and deterrence through the display of force, leads to situations of collective failure for which officers pay the price (injuries, degraded image, risk of criminal harassment).

But the benefits in terms of communication remain strong enough for political leaders to persist in the cul-de-sac. The yellow vests movements present a special case since it was not a matter of the police confronting organised demonstrations, with a declared route, identified organisers, responsible interlocutors, a controlled ritual. By default, in the eyes of the Ministry of the Interior, these were not demonstrations but rallies, i.e., a qualification that authorised the legal use of force in a much broader way.

In neighbouring countries, a completely different approach has been observed. For example, in the Netherlands, police action was carried out in a spirit of prevention, dialogue and accountability. The slogan chosen was not that of the «war against the virus» launched by the President of the Republic in France and then relayed from the Prime Minister to all hierarchical levels. The collective Dutch slogan was: «together, control the epidemic«.

The Dutch case shows that another strategy for managing containment was possible by emphasising contact with the population, prevention messages and support. The British police implemented practices according to a 4 E (Engage, Explain, Encourage, Enforce) approach, of which the coercion dimension was thus only one of the four dimensions, and whose evaluations have shown that it has helped to maintain or even develop public goodwill. In contrast, the numbers policy, which has already shown its limits, does not value any of the professional skills of the police. It only works on fear of the uniform or punishment, to the detriment of building a lasting bond between the police and society. This must involve strengthening the initial and continuing training of officers in charge of internal security, which is currently too limited in duration and insufficiently adapted in terms of content and preparation for the profession.

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Armed banditry has become a full-blown security crisis in Nigeria, especially in the north-west and north-central regions of the country. What began as sporadic attacks has evolved into coordinated campaigns of violence that affect entire communities.

Between 2023 and 2025, more than 10,000 people have died at the hands of armed groups in northern Nigeria, the majority being women and children. Rural life is completely disrupted: farmers kidnapped in the fields, travellers attacked on the roads, entire towns displaced. In some areas, residents even have to pay ‘taxes’ to the bandits in order to be able to harvest.

According to Onyedikachi Madueke, a PhD student in Security in Nigeria at the University of Aberdeen, this insecurity generates poverty, weakens trust in the State, and drives emigration.

Studies on banditry in Nigeria often focus on factors such as poverty, social exclusion and ungoverned territories. But an essential element is often overlooked: the lack of institutional capacity of the police.

Some conclusions from Madueke’s research clearly point to a police force with serious structural deficiencies: staff shortages, lack of funding, precarious working conditions, and an excessively centralised organization.

These deficits are not just administrative issues, but factors that foster environments in which organised violence can thrive. The conclusions are structured around four main axes.

Staff Crisis: Few Agents for Many Citizens

With 220 million inhabitants, Nigeria has 370,000 police officers. In some municipalities in the north, only 32 officers protect hundreds of thousands of people. Furthermore, up to 80% of police officers are assigned to protect politicians, businesspeople, etc. This leaves a minority available for actual police tasks.

Chronically insufficient funding

The police budget for 2024 is around $808 million, well below countries like South Africa or Egypt. Police stations do not have computers, paper, or access to the Internet. Officers use their personal mobile phones. Patrol cars lack fuel, and specialised equipment is either non-existent or obsolete.

Precarious working conditions

A junior officer may earn 44 dollars a month, insufficient to live on. They have to pay for their uniforms, medical assistance, and they live in degraded barracks, without water or electricity. The families of deceased officers often take years to receive compensation. This precariousness generates demotivation and disconnection, with serious implications for national security.

Excessively centralised structure

The Nigerian Police is controlled from Abuja, the capital, which leaves regional governments without real authority over the officers deployed in their territories. This centralised model limits rapid response, hinders community trust, and favours criminals acting with impunity in areas where the state is perceived as non-existent.

To address armed banditry, it is necessary to strengthen the police institutionally. Urgent measures should include:

• Increasing the hiring of police officers, especially in rural areas.
• Improving the salaries and living conditions of the officers.
• Decentralising the police force and allowing for the creation of regional and community forces.
• Ensuring transparency in the use of funds allocated for security, especially the Police Trust Fund.

Strengthening the police is not just a management issue: it is a fundamental step to restore trust, ensure security, and build a more stable future for Nigeria.

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A major operation against human trafficking has resulted in the protection of 1,194 potential victims and the arrest of 158 suspected criminals. As part of ongoing investigations, 205 other suspected human traffickers have also been identified. The police day focused on human trafficking for sexual exploitation, forced criminality and forced begging, with a special focus on underage victims.

This year’s edition of the operation, codenamed Global Chain, took place from 1 to 6 June 2025 and was led by law enforcement agencies in Austria and Romania, with coordination and support from Europol, the agency Frontex and INTERPOL. The purpose was to detect and dismantle high-value targets and organised crime groups responsible for the majority of human trafficking cases, as well as to protect victims, seize criminal assets and initiate follow-up investigations.

The operation involved nearly 15,000 officers from 43 different countries, including law enforcement, border guards, labour inspectors, and tax and customs authorities. Potential victims were identified from 64 different countries, mostly from Romania, Ukraine, Colombia, China and Hungary. Many of them had crossed borders and even continents, demonstrating the global nature of human trafficking schemes.

Research shows that the vast majority of victims of sexual exploitation are adult women, while the exploitation of minors is mainly related to forced begging and forced criminal activity, for example, as pickpockets. In many of these cases, protecting victims can be difficult, as they are often exploited by family members.

The offenders were involved in human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation and forced criminality in several European Union states. Victims were usually recruited through the “lover boy” method and then forced into prostitution. In addition, the victims were forced to defraud customers and trick them into handing over large sums of money. In other cases, the victims had to steal from customers or lure them to remote locations so that the traffickers could steal their goods.

Significant seizures were also made, such as 277,669 euros in cash, 1 tonne of cannabis, 899 units of other narcotics, 30 firearms, 15 explosive components, 65 fraudulent documents and 5 real estate properties.

Europol, Frontex and INTERPOL supported the operation, which also led to 182 new investigations through international coordination. To assist officers in the field and support real-time information exchange, a coordination centre was established at the Frontex headquarters in Warsaw, Poland, consisting of officials from 33 countries.

Europol provided analytical support from several experts who processed the data and compared it with the agency’s databases. One Europol expert was based at the coordination centre in Warsaw for the duration of the action week.

INTERPOL provided access to its databases and international notices, offering investigative and analytical support to cases that arose during the operation.

During the six-day police operation, the countries acted on shared intelligence to conduct raids on known locations and carry out seizures. Law enforcement presence was also increased at critical points and key transport hubs to identify victims and suspects. Some 15,000 officers checked: 924,392 individuals, 842,281 documents, 181,954 vehicles, 5,745 flights and vessels, and 20,783 locations.

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Artificial intelligence is radically changing the way law enforcement operates in Europe. However, its use is not without dangers, especially when algorithms perpetuate, or even worsen, discriminations and prejudices that are already present in society. To address this challenge, Europol’s Innovation Lab has published a groundbreaking guide, AI bias in law enforcement.A practical guide (February 2025), which discusses how to identify and reduce algorithmic bias in policing.

This guidance is based on the principles of the European Union’s AI Act, which establishes strict rules to ensure safe, transparent and non-discriminatory use of artificial intelligence, especially in high-risk areas such as law enforcement. According to Europol, following these principles is essential to protect fundamental rights, gain public trust and ensure that artificial intelligence is a useful and ethical tool in the service of security.

The real risks of algorithmic bias

The use of artificial intelligence in police functions, such as predictive policing, facial recognition, data analysis or operational decision making, can lead to biased decisions if the algorithms are based on incomplete or historically bias-laden data. This risk is particularly high in vulnerable or minority groups, which may be disproportionately affected by these systems.

Strategies to mitigate bias

The report proposes several practical recommendations that law enforcement agencies can adopt to minimise the risk of bias:

– Conduct independent audits of artificial intelligence systems before and during their use.

– Maintain constant human oversight and the ability to intervene in automated decisions.

– Critically analyse training data and pay special attention to possible sources of discrimination.

– Promote diversity and ethics in artificial intelligence development and implementation teams.

– Ensure transparency and that system decisions are understandable to both the operatives and the public.

– Establish continuous review protocols to assess the long-term impact of artificial intelligence.

A commitment to responsible innovation

With this document, Europol is committed to ethical and responsible artificial intelligence in the field of public safety. It is not just a matter of complying with European regulations, but of making the most of the possibilities of artificial intelligence without sacrificing fairness, proportionality and respect for human rights.

From the blog Notes de seguretat, we consider this guide an essential tool for public policy makers, security professionals and technology developers. Adopting these best practices not only reduces legal and reputational risks but also strengthens the democratic legitimacy of police institutions in an era of digital transformation.

Document reference: Europol (2025), AI bias in law enforcement. A practical guide, Europol Innovation Lab observatory report, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg.

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Jeff Asher, a security policy and data expert, recently published an article entitled «New Orleans And The Case For Civilianization», in which he explains how the city has managed to drastically reduce police response time, despite having fewer armed officers.

What is civilianisation?

Civilianisation is the incorporation of civilian, non-police personnel to assume functions traditionally performed by the police: handling small incidents, answering non-urgent calls, analysing data or performing administrative research and laboratory tasks. In addition to being commonplace in several United States police forces, it has been shown to bring efficiency, save costs and allow armed officers to focus on risky situations.

The case of New Orleans

Between 2018 and 2023, New Orleans lost nearly a quarter of its officers, the number having fallen to 1990s levels. Faced with this staffing crisis, the police force has brought in hundreds of civilians to take on support functions.

Asher notes that despite having fewer officers, the city has reduced response time in serious situations. Officers focus on violent robberies, assaults, shootings and real emergencies.

This approach is not the only change in the New Orleans police. A few days ago, the New Orleans Police Department (NOPD) reimplemented the ShotSpotter system, a sensor network that detects gunshots in real time, with a six-month pilot plan in District 5. This advanced technology has generated controversy, especially because of the impact on predominantly Black and Latino neighbourhoods, and because of issues of reliability and integrity when it comes to intervention.

Alternatives to traditional models

Civilianisation is contending with the technocratic option (cameras, AI, sensors), but offers a people-centred alternative that has some advantages:

• Cost efficiency. Civilian personnel are cheaper in terms of salaries, pensions and training.
• Professionalisation. It enables the specialisation of staff in administrative, analysis and support areas, which improves the quality of service.
• Trust and transparency. The human and visible model can generate a relationship and empathy with the neighbourhood, in contrast to the anonymity of invasive technologies.

Relevant comparative references

United Kingdom: Police Community Support Officers. Since 2002, forces in England and Wales have had Police Community Support Officers (PCSOs): uniformed civilians with limited powers, tasked with carrying out visible patrolling, managing minor incidents, controlling fines and supporting public events.

In 2022 there were 8,263 PCSOs (with a peak of 16,814 in 2009). They have provided a robust model of structured and integrated civilianisation.

Sweden: civilian investigators in the police. Recent studies describe how the Swedish police have brought in civilian investigators (mostly female graduates) to work on criminal cases and data analysis.

Germany: Auxiliary Police Volunteers. Several federal states (such as Bavaria, Hesse and Baden-Württemberg) have auxiliary volunteer police services, trained civilians with the power to identify people, and stop or control traffic, to support the police. They wear uniforms and have completed 50 hours of training.

In Bavaria, the Sicherheitswacht carries out visible patrols with the power to arrest citizens, and can even carry irritant gas.

France: civilian operational reservists. The National Police and the Gendarmerie have civilian reservists (1,500 in the Police, 29,000 in the Gendarmerie) who intervene in the maintenance of order and in joint actions in exceptional situations. They have to undergo a short training and are uniformed as paralegals.

In conclusion, the New Orleans case shows that in order to do more with less, it is not essential to rely solely on sensors and artificial intelligence. Civilianisation is a viable and humanised option for optimising police response, while reinforcing proximity to the community and relieving pressure on officers. It is a proposal that should be closely watched in order to foster a more agile, transparent public safety model that is adapted to the challenges of the coming years.

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French authorities, with the support of Europol, neutralised a criminal network that produced and distributed synthetic drugs on the European and global market, and arrested 16 people.

The investigation conducted by the French National Gendarmerie was also supported by Belgian police authorities.

In June 2024, French authorities seized 216 kilograms of crystal methamphetamine and arrested two French nationals in connection with the case. The subsequent investigation revealed that the criminal network involved in the production and trafficking of synthetic drugs had strong links to the Mexican Sinaloa cartel, and to other criminal gangs active in Europe and New Zealand.

The two main leaders of the network relied, to a large extent, on the logistical support, experience and preparation provided by the Mexican cartels. These cartels also relied on local intermediaries to link operations and try to expand their influence. This interdependence highlights the transnational nature of the network and the cooperation between criminal actors across continents.

Investigators discovered that the chemicals used in the production of synthetic drugs originated in China. The evidence collected during the investigation led to the identification of the main organizers, an Algerian and a Frenchman, who are allegedly responsible for the entire chain of production and dissemination, including the smuggling of precursors, the creation of the laboratory, the «cooking» of the drugs and the subsequent trafficking. In parallel, they used cryptocurrencies to facilitate illegal financial transactions.

The police action day resulted in the arrest of 16 people – from Belgium (1), France (13), Serbia (1) and Mexico (1) – and 16 house searches, in which 3 vehicles were seized; luxury goods valued at more than 100,000 euros; some 80,000 euros in bank accounts; telephones and other electronic devices; and some 10,000 euros in cash. Also €30,000 in cryptocurrencies were frozen.

In addition, police examined a former drug laboratory, where they found traces of methamphetamine production. It also uncovered evidence of illicit dumping of chemicals, such as containers, chemical residues and burials in the surrounding area, indicating attempts to conceal these synthetic drug manufacturing activities.

Synthetic drug production and trafficking in the European Union (EU) is increasing significantly, as highlighted in the EU Serious and Organized Crime Threat Assessment 2025. Once limited to a few regions, production now reaches more EU member states, supplying both local and global markets.

Driven by high profits, the trade is marked by violent competition, corruption and infiltration of legal business structures.

As early as 2022, a joint report by Europol and the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) revealed growing collaboration between Mexican cartels and EU-based criminal networks. These alliances have been found to support local methamphetamine and cocaine trafficking and production in Europe.

Specifically, successful operations have revealed that Mexican groups provide their EU criminal associates with technical expertise, such as skilled methamphetamine «cooks», and help set up cocaine conversion laboratories.

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The RapTor police operation, coordinated by Europol and directed against online drug and criminal networks, strikes hundreds of sellers and buyers of the dark web across four continents.

This international operation has dismantled drug, arms and counterfeit goods trafficking networks, sending a clear warning to criminals hiding behind the illusion of anonymity. The suspects were identified through coordinated investigations, based on intelligence from the takedowns of dark web marketplaces Nemesis, Tor2Door, Bohemia and Kingdom Markets.

This international action follows Operation SpecTor in 2023, which led to the arrest of 288 suspects. All of these operations show law enforcement’s growing ability to delve into the secrecy of the dark web.
The 270 arrests took place in the following countries: 130 people were arrested in the United States, 42 in Germany, 37 in the United Kingdom, 29 in France, 19 in South Korea, 4 in Austria, 4 in the Netherlands, 3 in Brazil, 1 in Switzerland and 1 in Spain.

Apart from the arrests, officers seized more than €184 million in cash and cryptocurrencies; more than 2 tonnes of drugs – amphetamines, cocaine, ketamine, opioids and cannabis; more than 180 firearms, along with imitation weapons, tasers and knives; 12,500 counterfeit products and more than 4 tonnes of illegal tobacco.

These seizures represent a major disruption of the criminal supply chains that feed the economy of the dark web.

Europol supported the police action by compiling and analysing intelligence packages based on data from the three targeted markets. These packages were shared with national authorities in the framework of the Joint Cybercrime Action Taskforce at Europol headquarters to enable targeted investigations.

This operational model, also used in the 2023 SpecTor operation, shows that the takedown of a criminal platform is not the end of the story, but the beginning of follow-up investigations aimed at identifying and arresting high-value vendors.

Operation RapTor demonstrates that the dark web is not beyond the reach of law enforcement, even if criminals operate online and offline, internationally and locally, or make maximum use of technological resources. Coordinated action is essential to tackle it. And this is the added value that Europol provides.

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This is a day of action that took place last January, with the support of Europol, after two operations against migrant smugglers, in which assets worth more than 4.5 million (4 shotguns and multiple electronic devices) were seized.

In a perfect example of the interconnection between criminal networks, Europol supported the deactivation of a parallel criminal banking organisation with multiple branches across Europe.

Seventeen people – 15 in Spain, 1 in Austria and 1 in Belgium – of Chinese and Syrian nationality were arrested on suspicion of providing mainly money laundering services to criminals.

This encompasses parallel banking services, illegal hawala banking, cash collection, cash courier services and exchange of cryptocurrencies for cash.

The criminals operated in at least two branches: one that catered primarily to the Arabic-speaking criminal world and another that served criminal networks originating from China. They also provided money laundering services for other criminal networks involved in migrant smuggling and drug trafficking. Investigators consider the dismantled criminal network to be one of the most significant in this area of crime.

The criminal network is believed to have moved more than 21 million euros. With advertising on social networks, it reached a varied and international clientele. In addition to arresting 17 people, law enforcement seized criminal assets worth more than 4.5 million euros.

The seizure includes: 206,000 euros in cash, 421,000 euros in 77 bank accounts and 183,000 euros in cryptocurrency; 10 real estate assets worth more than 2.5 million euros; 18 vehicles worth more than 207,000 euros; 4 shotguns and ammunition; telephones and other devices; luxury consumables, watches, accessories and jewellery.

Following the successful arrest of migrant smugglers who relied on the illicit banking services of this criminal network, national investigators and Europol financial crime experts jointly launched a new investigation.

The European Multidisciplinary Platform Against Criminal Threats (EMPACT) addresses the major threats posed by serious and organised international crime affecting the European Union (EU). EMPACT strengthens intelligence, strategic and operational cooperation between national authorities, EU institutions and bodies, and international partners.

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This week, the UK government announced an ambitious plan to strengthen police presence in neighbourhoods and ensure a more neighbourhood policing model, known as the Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee. With this move, the British executive recovers one of the most deeply rooted traditions of its police system: the figure of the local bobby, with the declared objective of reconnecting the police with communities and improving citizen confidence.

The Home Office has released a monitoring and evaluation framework called the Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee performance framework, which establishes indicators to measure the quality of police presence in neighbourhoods.

This move comes against a backdrop of intense debate about the role of the police in the UK, following years of budget cuts, corruption scandals and a worrying loss of public confidence. Last December, the College of Policing – the professional body that sets the standards for English policing – had already published its assessment of the government’s proposal, warning that «visible presence is not enough: we need to invest in skills, leadership and organisational culture to make a genuine community policing model a reality».

The Neighbourhood Policing Guarantee presented by the British government takes the form of an ambitious evaluation framework that aims to translate into operational practice an idea that is as simple as it is powerful: that everyone should have access to a police force that is close, familiar and useful. The reference document sets out six core commitments, which are intended to become minimum standards for all UK police forces:

1. Each community should have an identifiable and accessible neighbourhood policing team. Police forces will have to publish the names, photos and contact channels of their neighbourhood officers and ensure that citizens know who they are and how to access them.

2. Teams should be in easy contact and be available on a regular basis. Neighbourhood officers must maintain an active and known presence in their areas, with regular foot patrols and meeting points.

3. Citizens should be able to see how local priorities are being addressed. The police should publish what specific actions they will take on major community concerns (e.g., antisocial behaviour, traffic, theft), and should update them regularly.

4. Each police force should systematically gather local security priorities. It establishes the obligation of structured mechanisms for citizen consultation and participation beyond specific surveys.

5. It is necessary to ensure specific training in community policing for all members of these teams. The British reform includes mandatory training in conflict resolution tools, active listening, mediation and cultural awareness.

6. The results and impact of the work of the neighbourhood teams will have to be measured and made public. Specific performance indicators on presence, accessibility, citizen satisfaction and impact on the reduction of specific problems are introduced.

Preliminary conclusions

The British plan represents a serious attempt to reconnect the police with society through real proximity, with measurable and transparent commitments. In this sense, its approach may inspire reforms or improvements in models such as the Catalan model, which, despite having a long tradition of community security, have often been trapped in the realm of will rather than obligation.

Unlike the British proposal, which seeks to ensure common standards throughout the country, the Mossos model has developed unevenly, depending heavily on the impetus of local commanders or complicity with local councils. The British proposal forces a move from discourse to structure: assured presence, open data and publicly measured performance.

From a European perspective, this reform opens a window of opportunity to rethink the relationship between police and community, not only in terms of presence, but also in terms of trust, transparency and democratic commitment.

Despite the apparent consensus on the need to bring back neighbourhood policing, several social actors and security experts have warned that this guarantee cannot be a simple nostalgic return to the ‘bobby on the beat’ years. It remains to be seen whether the actual deployment of the plan – with resources, training and evaluation – lives up to the political discourse.

From Catalonia and other European contexts with their own community policing experiences, this British initiative offers a good opportunity to reflect on public safety models, police-community relations and mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability. We will follow its progress in Security Notes.

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